Iranian influence over Lebanon can be traced back to the historical Shiite connection that has bounded the two states for a long time. Several Lebanese clerics have either come from Iran or trained under Iranian clerics or possessed strong ties to Iran, which only intensified after the 1979 Iranian Revolution that transformed the country into a theocracy with a Shia majority.
Musa-al Sadr, the first leader to mobilize the Lebanese Shia community, like any other Iranian revolutionaries of his time, trained in the holy Shia city of Qom in Iran. He ended up establishing the Movement of the Disinherited to aid the Lebanese Shias in 1974 which also formed a militant wing called Amal, backed by Iran, Palestine and Syria against the Maronite Christians during the Civil War. The 15 years of the Lebanon civil war experienced a sectarian atmosphere, bolstered by an influx of Palestinian refugees and the formation of resistance movements against Israel, Syria’s prolonged interference, meddling by foreign powers and a fragile political system. Additionally, one of the biggest consequences was the growing influence of Tehran’s grip over the societal and political structure of Lebanon through the origin of Hezbollah. Iran’s greatest intervention in Lebanon came into the form of Hezbollah- the Lebanese Shia militant group which has also evolved into a political party in Lebanon over the years. Hezbollah is, therefore, also considered Iran’s instrument to fight external wars against the West, especially Israel. Hezbollah’s involvement in Lebanese politics has greatly upset the fragile political system of Lebanon and this organization has often been called Iran’s de facto ‘satrapy’ in Lebanon. It is also first and foremost the potent heir to Iran’s Shiite Islamism in Lebanon.
Inspite of the Taif Agreement of 1989, there was the restructuring of the political setup of the country towards a secular direction between several regional and extra-regional powers. In recent years, a more determined Iran aimed at strengthening Shia supremacy in Lebanon as part of its so-called ‘Shia crescent’, coupled with a spillover of conflicts from Syria, Palestine-Israel confrontations, political corruption, a liquidity crisis, relentless protests and an increasingly unstable, divided government that cannot see eye-to-eye on either domestic or foreign policy; has ensured that Lebanon always remained embroiled in turmoil and uncertainty. Iran playing a major role in sustaining and prolonging Lebanon’s vulnerabilities for its interest and gains has turned Lebanon into a hotbed of communal conflicts, shifting alliances and intervention by foreign forces and making it a volatile tinder box region.
Iran’s Shiite politics has also played a major role in shaping the political system of Lebanon as well. Lebanon’s political system is complex, yet the existing arrangement of power sharing between the three dominant communities of Shia, Sunni and Maronite Christians has made sure that Lebanon does not share the same fate as its fellow Levant states. However, the assassination of Rafik Hariri, the mastermind behind this co-existence agreement and former Prime Minister of Lebanon in 2005 ensured that Lebanese politics will never be the same again. This incident birthed two dominant political factions in Lebanon which ended up polarizing the country- the March 14 Alliance which believed that Hezbollah and Syria were responsible for the death of their beloved leader (supported by Saudi Arabia) and the March 8 alliance who supported the Hezbollah (backed by Iran).
Even though this foreign intervention hasn’t turned Lebanon into a field for a full-blown proxy war between the two West Asian giants, it has made sure that Lebanon always remains a victim of political paralysis as the two factions could never actually agree on common policies as can be witnessed by the 2016 garbage crisis in Lebanon. Moreover, to couple, this with a growing economic crisis, the October 17 revolution of 2019, the resignation of Saad Hariri of the March 14 alliance after alleging that Iran was out to assassinate him just like his father and the recent Beirut blast in 2020, has led to not only extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure but also led to more than 200 people dead and over 300,000 homeless. In this context, the growing political and economic problems of the country have once again pushed the state and the political system into disarray. Albeit, the recent 2022 Lebanese general elections have led to a humiliating defeat of Hezbollah and its allies, Iranian influence in the state’s political system is far from over.
End Notes
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[i] Abbas, S. Q., & Jahangaiz, M. “Iran’s Foreign Policy towards Lebanon: Success Story of Synergy between Hard and Soft Power.” Journal of Research in Social Sciences (JRSS) Vol. 8, No. 2 (June 2020): 116-134.
https://www.numl.edu.pk/journals/subjects/1602166999JRSS-8.pdf
[ii]Ajami, F. “Lebanon and Its Inheritors.” Foreign Affairs (Spring1985): 778-799.
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/lebanon/1985-03-01/lebanon-and-its-inheritors
[iii] Cordesman, A. H. “Iran’s Support of the Hezbollah in Lebanon.” Center for Strategic and International Studies (July 2006)
[iv] Hitti, N. “Lebanon in Iran’s Foreign Policy: Opportunities and Constraints.” In Iran and the Arab World, edited by H. Amirahmadi, & N. Entessar, 180-197. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1993
[v]Siklawi, R. “THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMAL MOVEMENT IN LEBANON 1975-90.” Arab Studies Quarterly Volume 34, Number 1 (Winter 2012): 4-26.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41858677?seq=3
[vi] Alami, M. “Iran’s Long Game in Lebanon.” TRENDS Middle East Security (March 2017) Retrieved May 2022
https://trendsresearch.org/insight/irans-long-game-in-lebanon/
[vii] Perry, Tom; Bassam, Laila. “Analysis: Lebanon slips further into Iran’s orbit as Hariri bows out.” Reuters, January 26, 2022.